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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. More

Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero … all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Precedents for Reconciliation

By Megan McArdle
Mar 11 2010, 8:07 AM ET Comment

I have at best a passing interest in the "legitimacy" of the reconciliation process, but James Joyner pretty much dismantles the current liberal talking point that Republicans use reconciliation to pass controversial bills all the time:

Almost every act passed under reconciliation (8/15) has in fact been a budget bill.  And most of those that weren't (5/7) were tax bills.  The two outliers:  The 1996 welfare reform act and the 2007 student aid package.  Why those were passed under reconciliation isn't made clear.

What's also interesting is that the vast majority of these bills were absolute slam dunks.  Most (8/15) were passed by filibuster-proof  supermajorities, meaning that reconciliation wasn't used as an end-around to avoid a cloture vote.

The argument that Republicans were more likely to use the process than Democrats is meaningless, simply reflecting the fact that Republicans have dominated the Senate over the period in question.   Reconciliation was used six times during the Reagan administration but only once on a bill that didn't have supermajority support.  The Republicans controlled the Senate for all but the last of those votes.   The Democrats then used it for two borderline votes.  The Republicans used it for two slam dunks, one vote that didn't quite have a filibuster-proof margin, and one 51-50 vote in which VP Cheney had to break the tie.

The bottom line is that using reconciliation as an end-around to avoid filibusters is exceedingly rare, having happened at most 7 times since 1980.  Of those 7 cases, all were budget or tax measures.  So, using reconciliation to avoid a supermajority on health care reform would simply be unprecedented.

The word "unprecedented" doesn't strike me as all that troubling--we're not in court.  But to the extent that you care, this use really does seem to be novel.



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