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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. She is currently on leave.
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Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero � all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Banking Bullies

By Megan McArdle
Jan 7 2010, 3:32 PM ET Comment

If you followed the financial collapse of Iceland at all, you'll know that before the crash, Icelandic bank accounts became quite popular in Europe, particularly in Britain.  By virtue of paying extremely attractive interest rates, Icelandic banks enticed foreign savers to put billions of dollars into their savings account.

When the crash came, unfortunately, Iceland didn't have a depository insurer capable of covering the losses.  The governments of Great Britain and the Netherlands decided to bail out their own citizens . . . and then, in a nice touch, to strongarm the Icelandic government to pay them back.  This is beyond shameful, as if America decided to send Mexico a bill for its border enforcement.  The Icelandic government is not responsible for the financial committments of larger (and at this point, better heeled) states.

Clive Crook is as disgusted as I am:

Iceland, a country of  300,000 people, is being asked to assume a debt of $6bn (that's $20,000 apiece). It is an outrageous imposition. Iceland's president is right to repudiate the deal.

Britain and the Netherlands were wrong in the first place to reimburse depositors beyond the capacity of the Icelandic insurance fund. Since they did, British and Dutch taxpayers should be on the hook for this, not Icelandic taxpayers. And regardless of that, the means by which pressure has been applied to Iceland--including, believe it or not, the UK's briefly designating it a terrorist state--are an outrage. If Iceland is wondering whether it still wants to be a member of European Union after this, who can blame it?

More to the point, shouldn't other countries be wondering if it isn't time to block capital coming from Britain and the Netherlands?  After all, their governments seem to believe that accepting foreign investment creates some sort of unlimited taxpayer liability for the recipient country.  Iceland, sadly, is not in a very good position to resist this bullying.  But other countries are, and should make it clear that there are even bigger potential bullies on the block.

Update:  Daniel Davies makes a reasonably persuasive case for the defense.  The problem, I think, is that comparisons of countries to companies always break down pretty rapidly.  Public corporations are ultimate legal creations of the state.   States are, well, states.  What they do may not be right, or smart, but it is just not governed by similar problems or constraints.


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