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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. More

Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero … all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Why Do So Many People Hate Health Care Reform?

By Megan McArdle
Dec 7 2009, 5:44 PM ET Comment

It's pretty clear at this point that any health care reform which passes is going to have more voters against it than for it.  You can argue that voters aren't educated enough and that you can generate good poll numbers for individual components of the plan, but that's not really relevant.  You can generate support for nearly any program, if you poll it without mentioning the associated costs.  When voters think about the health care plan, they're not thinking public option + Medicare advantage cuts + etc.  They're making a judgment about what the entire package will mean.  And the entire package has risks as well as benefits:  higher taxes, less generous health coverage for the majority of Americans who already have it.

Jay Cost thinks risk aversion is a major factor:

The final factor is risk aversion. Recent polling has shown that most people are satisfied with the health care system. Rasmussen recently found that 49% rate it as "good or excellent" while just 27% rate it as "poor." Gallup's numbers are not as positive, but still suggest that most Americans are generally all right with the system as it is.

This might make them especially nervous about the risks inherent to the reforms. If somebody has a 50-50 shot at winning $5,000 or can take $2,500 for certain, what will he do? A risk neutral person will be indifferent between the options. But a risk averse person is acutely uncomfortable with the uncertainty, so will instead take the sure thing. A similar psychological phenomenon might be in place here. If somebody really abhors the uncertainty inherent to a comprehensive overhaul of a system that he thinks is generally all right - he might count it as one of the costs.

Importantly, risk aversion can vary according to the stakes. If somebody has a 50/50 shot at winning $1 million or can take $500,000 for certain, what will he do? A risk neutral person would be indifferent. But most people's risk aversion will make them eager to take the sure thing. People are extremely risk averse when it comes to health care precisely because the stakes are so high.

He doesn't mention some powerful evidence in favor of his claim:  loss aversion.  People react much more strongly to potential losses than they do to potential gains.  That was probably a pretty good heuristic on the veldt, but it's not as effective in modern society.  People are willing to take wild gambles when they are facing the certainty of a large loss, but otherwise, they tend to want to hunker down and stick with the devil they know.  That makes it hard to pass programs, and even harder to reform them once they have been passed.

 

Jay Cost thinks risk aversion is a major factor:

The final factor is risk aversion. Recent polling has shown that most people are satisfied with the health care system. Rasmussen recently found that 49% rate it as "good or excellent" while just 27% rate it as "poor." Gallup's numbers are not as positive, but still suggest that most Americans are generally all right with the system as it is.

This might make them especially nervous about the risks inherent to the reforms. If somebody has a 50-50 shot at winning $5,000 or can take $2,500 for certain, what will he do? A risk neutral person will be indifferent between the options. But a risk averse person is acutely uncomfortable with the uncertainty, so will instead take the sure thing. A similar psychological phenomenon might be in place here. If somebody really abhors the uncertainty inherent to a comprehensive overhaul of a system that he thinks is generally all right - he might count it as one of the costs.

Importantly, risk aversion can vary according to the stakes. If somebody has a 50/50 shot at winning $1 million or can take $500,000 for certain, what will he do? A risk neutral person would be indifferent. But most people's risk aversion will make them eager to take the sure thing. People are extremely risk averse when it comes to health care precisely because the stakes are so high.

He doesn't mention some powerful evidence in favor of his claim:  loss aversion.  People react much more strongly to potential losses than they do to potential gains.  That was probably a pretty good heuristic on the veldt, but it's not as effective in modern society.  People are willing to take wild gambles when they are facing the certainty of a large loss, but otherwise, they tend to want to hunker down and stick with the devil they know.  That makes it hard to pass programs, and even harder to reform them once they have been passed.
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