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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. More

Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero … all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Separate, and Unequal, Pension Treatment at GM

By Megan McArdle
Nov 2 2009, 3:53 PM ET Comment

The ostensible defense of making the creditors take a deeper haircut than the workers in the auto bankruptcies was that the workers were needed for continuing operations, and besides, it would be bad for the economy if they lost their pensions, etc.

I'm curious to see whether the people advancing that argument can justify this:



The Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation, which insures pension plans, caps the amount of benefits it will pay, using a formula based on age and the type of benefits an employee earned. But in a side arrangement, G.M. is agreeing to pay special supplements, called top-ups, so that Delphi's union retirees get everything they were promised.

The automaker is drawing the money from its own pension fund, according to a person familiar with the arrangement. In a sense, the G.M. pension fund is being weakened to help the Delphi union members.

Mr. Gump and others suspect the Treasury Department told G.M. to pay the supplements. The federal government is both the company's largest shareholder and the financier of its restructuring, through the Troubled Asset Relief Program. Obama administration officials confirmed that they brought the parties together to negotiate a resolution of Delphi's pension failure but said they did not dictate the outcome.

The difference between the haves and have-nots at Delphi is not between the highly paid and lower-wage earners. As a senior engineer, Mr. Gump simply did not belong to a union. Neither did Delphi's thousands of other engineers, bookkeepers, clerks, quality controllers, purchasing agents and other white-collar employees. They may have earned more in some cases, but they did not have the chance to earn paid overtime as union members did in good years. Records show the average pay for a nonunion worker just shy of 50 years old, with 20 to 24 years' service, was about $96,000.

The average base wage for a UAW worker is supposed to be about $60,000.  So the white collar workers average quite a bit more--but the UAW distribution is fairly flat, while the white collar distribution is not, so a fair number of those white collar workers will be making roughly the same as a union member.  Yet the UAW has had their gold-plated pensions made whole, while the white collar workers . . . well, the Times reports that one woman saw her pension fall from $3,000 a month to just under $400. 

What possible logic is there for this, other than the fact that the UAW generously supports the Democratic party?  If you prick a white collar worker, does he not bleed?  And if their home gets foreclosed on, does it not further destroy Michigan's economy?

I say "supposed" because I can't get a good figure including overtime, which for union workers can double their wages in good years.  (Of course, they're not having good years now--but the retirees lived through quite a lot of them.)

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