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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. She is currently on leave.
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Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero � all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Why Medicare Costs Are Growing Faster

By Megan McArdle
Oct 9 2009, 1:20 PM ET Comment

One of the commenters offered a retort that I've seen in a bunch of places:  "Of course Medicare is growing faster!  It cares for a sicker population!"



It's a common intuition, but it's wrong.  Consider a simple model of a population with two groups:  young and old.  Assume that the old consume five times as much of an undifferentiated good, healthcare, as the young do, and that each unit costs $2,000.  So the oung cost us $2,000 apiece per year, and the old cost us $10K.  Now assume that the cost of healthcare in each group grows at 10% a year.  At the end of five years, each young person will cost us $3,221 and each old person will cost us $16,105--or exactly five times as much as a young person.

In other words, the fact that old people consume more healthcare than young people explains why the absolute difference in dollar amount of spending gets bigger over time.  But it doesn't explain why the rates of growth differ.

Now, obviously "healthcare" is not a homogenous good.  So there are a bunch of different reasons that healthcare spending growth rates might differ.  We might get better at treating things that disproportionately happen to the elderly, causing the amount of healthcare they consume relative to the young to rise.  The cost of treating things that the elderly disproportionately get might rise, causing the cost of their healthcare to rise relative to the young.  They might succeed in using political power to divert more treatment resources to themselves.  You can imagine a bunch of different factors.

What is the truth of the matter?  Hard to say.  Certainly, mitigating against this explanation is the fact that prenatal care and organ transplants are two of the fastest growing medical cost centers.  On the other hand, so are cardiovascular and cancer.  But lots of people under the age of 65 have heart attacks and cancer--I'm not sure there's any good evidence that the relative incidence has changed.  On the other hand, active life expectancy is growing even faster than overall life expectancy, which is also growing pretty fast--and if those things don't reflect our getting better at treating the things that old people get, I'm not sure what does.

Still, I think you have to admit that at best, there's no evidence for the proposition that a big American government program can control costs, and what evidence we have so far tends to tilt in the opposite direction.

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