Skip Navigation
Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. More

Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero … all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Poverty and the Problem of Scale

By Megan McArdle
Jun 2 2009, 9:19 AM ET Comment

At Crooked Timber, Ingrid Robeyns reports on an experiment with Basic Income Grants in Namibia that seems to have been extremely successful:




The BIG Coalition raised money which allows them to give a BIG of 100 Namibian Dollars to each individual which was registered in July 2007 as living in the Otjivero-Omitara area, about 100 kilometres east of Windhoek (pensioners were excluded as they get an unconditional state pension). The amount is small, since the food poverty line stands at 152 Namibian dollars per capita, whereas the poverty line counting "the severely poor" stands at 220, and the official poor are all those living on less than 316 Namibian dollars per month.

As the study of the effects of the BIG after one year clearly demonstrate, the effects are strikingly positive. The percentage of those falling below the food poverty line has dropped from 76% to 37%. The percentage of those being able to get a job or become successfully self-employed has increased from 44 to 55%, and the amount of non-BIG income per capita rose from N$ 118 to N$ 152 (indicating a virtuous economic growth cycle). The number of underweight children has dropped from 42 to 10%. School attendance has gone up, and teachers report that the children are better able to concentrate. The health clinic receives many more patients (for illnesses that would otherwise not have been treated). Average household debt fell from N$ 1,215 to N$ 772. Crime rates fell by 42%, and there is no evidence that alcohol-abuse (which is a serious problem in many poor areas) has worsened. (Further details are in the report, together with interviews documenting the experiences of the people who have been given the BIG).

Like Robeyns, this is the sort of poverty policy I favor, although perhaps for different reasons:  I resent the paternalism of in-kind grants, and the central planning failures of so many massive government development projects.  So I'm heartened to hear that something so simple works so well.

On the other hand, like Robeyns, I'm worried that I'm missing something.  A commenter suggests what that might be:

a Georgist analysis suggests that if this was implemented on a larger scale, it would tend to drive up rents. This would in turn suck the BIG out of the pockets of the poor and into those of landowners.

This doesn't happen in the small scale experiment because the poor individuals in the rest of Namibia not receiving the BIG don't have any more money for the landlords, so the general market can't rise. As a first approximation, the Otjivero-Omitara area prices won't rise because (a) to get the BIG you had to register in July 2007, so nobody can start getting the BIG just by moving into the area; and (b) if you are getting the BIG, you keep it even if you move away, so nobody loses the BIG by moving out. Therefore the extra income is not creating extra demand for local land.

(More accurately, there will be some extra demand arising from the economic growth in the area, probably enough to soak up a reasonable fraction of the N$34 non-BIG per capita income.)

Distribute the BIG to the whole country, and general market rents will soak up essentially all of it. Non-BIG income per capita will not change much at all - no virtuous cycle effects expected.

The Georgist analysis is too simplistic, but applied more broadly, it's worrying.  A basic income grant doesn't actually increase the productive capacity of the citizens.  There are real resource constraints--the amount of land, housing, doctors, teachers, etc.  On a small scale, there's enough slack that individuals really are simply better off by being handed money (although we should be aware that this experiment may have shifted fixed resources like doctors towards the BIG area, and away from other areas that consequently suffered shortages).  On a larger scale, though, what you get is general price inflation.  Think of it this way:  if Timothy Geithner ordered the Treasury to print $500,000 and hand it to a randomly selected poor person, that poor person would be lifted out of poverty with no noticeable impact on anyone else.  But if Timothy Geithner printed $150,000,000,000,000 so that each of us could have half a million dollars, we wouldn't be any better off, because we wouldn't have $150 trillion worth of new stuff.  So the prices of the old stuff would just rise until inflation had eaten up all the new money.

But while I think this would eat some of the gains from a BIG in a developing country, I doubt it would absorb all of them.  Namibia would, after all, be getting a real resource:  foreign currency, which represents a claim on American or European production.  The real productivity of their economy would rise, just as trade expands the real productivity of our country.  There are countervailing factors, of course, like the loathesome effect foreign aid can exert on the domestic government. But it's not obvious to me that it wouldn't work.

At any rate, it's an experiment that could be done pretty cheaply.  Namibia's population is less than two million, and $100 Namibian dollars is about $12.50 US.  So for less than $25 million (a month? a year?  I'm guessing a month), we could run a controlled development experiment.  For $1 per American per year--the price of just one Buffalo Life Sciences Complex or other similar dismally failed local development projects--we could find out whether or not this works.  Give everyone in Namibia a $12.50 basic income for 5-10 years, and see what happens.  Does Namibia shoot up the economic and human development tables, or does the money get claimed by local power-brokers?

It's politically tricky, of course.  But if we can just get Namibia to change its name to something like "Oakton", I'm pretty sure we can slip it into the next highway bill.
Presented by

More at The Atlantic

Study of the Day: How We Really Read Restaurant Menus How We Read Restaurant Menus
Love Stinks: An Economic Manifesto Love Stinks: An Economic Manifesto
In Minnesota, a School District Overturns Its Policy of Silence In Minnesota, a School District Overturns Its Policy of Silence
'Plug In Better': A Manifesto How to Plug In Better
Mutts Mobilize in Midtown Against Mitt Mutts Against Mitt

Join the Discussion

After you comment, click Post. If you’re not already logged in you will be asked to log in or register.
blog comments powered by Disqus
Special Report
Submit Your Photos of America at Work AP Submit Your Photos of America at Work
Send us your images of friends, family, and neighbors on the job. We'll publish the best. Read more ›
View All Correspondents

The Biggest Story in Photos

World Press Photo Contest 2012

Feb 15, 2012

Subscribe Now

SAVE 59%! 10 issues JUST $2.45 PER COPY

Facebook

Newsletters

Sign up to receive our free newsletters

(sample)

(sample)

(sample)

(sample)

Megan McArdle
from the Magazine

Why Companies Fail

GM’s stock price has sunk by a third since its IPO. Why is corporate turnaround so difficult…

The Graduates

Busted banking careers, crashed consultants, and shrunken incomes: the author attends her 10-year…

Romney’s Business

The Republican contender touts his business experience—but does it really matter?