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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. She is currently on leave.
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Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero � all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Is Comprehensive Health Care Reform Dead?

By Megan McArdle
Jun 18 2009, 1:24 PM ET Comment

There's a lot of sadness on liberal blogs these days.  What happened to Hope and Change?  Climate change is coming sometime next year, maybe.  Financial regulation also isn't coming anytime soon, and what's proposed is the minimum set of politically feasible propositions rather than a sweeping overhaul.  And health care?  What the @#%! is Congress doing messing around with expensive, incremental [expletive deleted]?  How can such a popular president be so powerless?



There are a lot of answers to this.  The first is to point out, as The Economist ably does, that the reports of the end of the honeymoon have been greatly exaggerated

But two things are also clear:  the Democrats overestimated the boost they'd get from both the crisis and Obama's popularity.  And they dissipated a hell of a lot of the money and political capital they'd now like to spend on the stimulus and the GM bailout.  They got very carried away with visions of 1932. 

But this is not 1932, and Obama is not FDR.  FDR came into office with 20+% unemployment and a banking crisis that was wiping out peoples' life savings every day.  FDR also came into office with a trivial national debt, and a Federal government that consumed less than 4% of GDP.  He had a lot of run room.

Maybe more importantly, he came into office without the kinds of institutional arrangements that made it politically difficult to pass his policies.  There are a lot of these, but some highlights:

  • There was no institution like the CBO to model the impact of his programs, and implacably report that they were going to cost huge amounts of money
  • There was no vast fraternity of tax lawyers to help blunt the revenue enhancements from new taxes
  • Discipline in the Senate and the House was much stronger
  • Corporate lobbying was relatively weak, and interest group lobbying was in its infancy
  • There was no existing infrastructure of programs with constituents fighting change

What's happening now is precisely the kind of political gridlock I--and a lot of libertarians and conservatives--predict when it comes time to actually cut costs in healthcare.  Why can't we tax employer health benefits?  Liberal answer:  because Ben Nelson is a big fat jerk.  My answer:  because then the awesome health care package that Democrats want to run on in 2010 would come packaged with a non-awesome hefty decline in everyone's weekly paycheck.  The number of people who would get a benefit out of the program would be much smaller than the number of people who would pay a noticeable cost. 

Jonathan Rauch's book, Government's End, is one of the best popular books on the political process I've ever read.  It outlines precisely this problem:  the longer your government has been around, the less room there is for changing the government.  For decades, there have been a lot of theories about how various politicians were going to overcome this glacial inertia.  Clinton thought he had an overwhelming mandate for health care reform.  The Contract with America folks thought they had an overwhelming mandate to shrink government.  The Bush team thought that 9/11 had created a permanent Republican majority.  What's astonishing, in retrospect, is how little any of them really changed.

Many Democrats thought this time was different, and I confess, so did I:  Obama was popular, the war was not, the financial crisis offered cover and rationale for sweeping change.  And maybe it still will be.  But part of the problem is that if all that stimulus money works, it will rob not only the funds, but the sense of crisis, he needs to make really substantive change in the face of a loss-averse electorate.

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