Skip Navigation
Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. More

Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero … all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Labor's love lost

By Megan McArdle
Nov 11 2008, 9:56 PM ET Comment

One of the things you hear over and over again from critics of Detroit, especially ones from the left, is that their current woes are all management's fault because they kept making big cars.

Management has made a lot of mistakes.  But making big cars wasn't one of them.  That's because they couldn't profitably make small cars in the United States.  And the reason they couldn't is that their labor costs were too high.  All in, Detroit was paying about $30 more an hour than other companies to make cars.  At that kind of differential, you have to concentrate on large cars with big profit margins, not economy cars where consumers fight to save $15 on the headlight bezels.

That has changed, as Freddie rather vigorously points out in the comments.  But corporate culture is a powerful thing.  One of the fascinating things about mergers is just how resistant corporate culture is to change; you can fire nearly everyone, and as long as there is still a core of old workers, they will fight to the death to keep doing things the old way.  30 years of complacence followed by 30 years of worrying how to meet the UAW's bill left a corporate culture that was not geared towards innovation, nor towards making small, efficient cars. 

Moreover, there was no good way to recruit new talent who might have changed things to a sinking ship.  Very few people set out to work for Detroit these days unless they're serious gearheads, or happen to already live there.  Working for the Big Three magically combines vast corporate bureaucracy and job insecurity in one completely unattractive package.  Even the car freaks would often rather do something else--write about cars, or work for the NHTSA.

Into this mix you have to throw the dealer network, which has as much of a stranglehold on Detroit as the UAW.  As I understand it, until gas hit $4 a gallon and the bottom absolutely dropped out of the market, the dealer network continued to pressure GM and the others to concentrate on high margin SUVs with lots of extras.  Libertarians who get all huffy about the UAW should be even more revolted by the dealers, which have browbeaten state legislatures into giving them ridiculous powers over the auto makers.

The entire thing is a toxic mess, left over from the days when interlocking oligopolies contentedly conspired to suck every last dollar out of captive consumers to whom Detroit would happily have given Flintstones cars if they could have figured out how to do them in two-tone vinyl.  But things that look like lunatic mistakes on the part of management were often quite rational responses to intolerable pressures.  I'm still not clear on why the cars had to be ugly, and all of the indicators cunningly hidden behind the wheel where they wouldn't distract the driver, of course.  Management did many stupid and inexplicable things.

Having driven the companies right up to the verge of bankruptcy, the conceded literally only when it became clear that the union members were about to get their contracts unilaterally rewritten by a judge,  lose their health benefits, and possibly get their pensions crammed down by the PBGC, which maxes out somewhere slightly north of $40K per annum.  Then the unions ever so generously agreed to cut health care costs by 30% in exchange for job security guarantees.  And now that their game of collective bargaining chicken has resulted in the obvious disaster, they want us to pay to save their jobs, at a cost of over $300,000 per.

It seems to me at least as plausible to believe that the unions were behaving like morons in the belief that the government would bail them out, as that the big bankers were.  What is the prudential reason for the rest of us to encourage this sally into the land of moral hazard?  If GM goes bankrupt, my Mini will not suddenly stop working. 

Bailing out the auto industry offers no net gain to society.  It is a straight transfer of resources from one sector to another:  we tax money, or borrow it from a finite pool of capital available to the nation, and spend it on auto workers.  The people who pay the taxes, or the people who would have borrowed that investment capital, now have less to spend.  Whatever they would have bought goes unbought; whoever would have made it goes unemployed. To coin a phrase, what is made on the swings is lost on the roundabouts  We have the illusion of a gain only because that other group of people is invisible.  Even if we don't bail out GM, they will not be visible--we will never know who didn't lose a job or a business because we declined to spend one squillion dollars saving the Chevy Cobalt.

But let's say it was all management's fault.  What's the argument for bailing them out then?  Does someone have tens of thousands of auto engineers, marketers, and senior management buried under a rock somewhere, waiting to replace the incompetent managers?  Because it seems to me that we're just pouring money into the same deep hole that will periodically reward our efforts by coughing up the Pontiac G6.


Presented by

More at The Atlantic

A Beloved Film Studio Rises From the Dead for 'The Woman in Black' A Beloved Film Studio Rises From the Dead for 'The Woman in Black'
Newt Gingrich Supported an Individual Mandate as Recently as May 2009 Newt Revises His History on Health Reform
Why Are the Patriots Favored to Win the Super Bowl? Why Are the Patriots Favored to Win the Super Bowl?
8.3%! This Was the Best Jobs Report Since the Great Recession The Best Jobs Report Since the Great Recession
The Middle Class and Mitt How Would Romney Help the Middle Class?

Join the Discussion

After you comment, click Post. If you’re not already logged in you will be asked to log in or register.
blog comments powered by Disqus
View All Correspondents

The Biggest Story in Photos

Afghanistan: January 2012

Feb 3, 2012

Subscribe Now

SAVE 59%! 10 issues JUST $2.45 PER COPY

Facebook

Newsletters

Sign up to receive our free newsletters

(sample)

(sample)

(sample)

(sample)

Megan McArdle
from the Magazine

The Graduates

Busted banking careers, crashed consultants, and shrunken incomes: the author attends her 10-year…

Romney’s Business

The Republican contender touts his business experience—but does it really matter?

Peter Thiel

A Silicon Valley investor backs a new breed of college dropouts