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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. More

Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero … all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Why not nationalize, like Sweden?

By Megan McArdle
Sep 29 2008, 3:45 PM ET Comment

Because we're not Sweden. 

Tyler Cowen runs through the major objections here.  My thoughts are less specific:  what works in the banking system of a small economy does not necessarily work in a large one.  For starters, no offense to the Swedes, but very few other countries are affected by what happens in their economy.  One family, the Wallenbergs, indirectly controls something like 30-40% of Sweden's GDP.  Even now, the Swedish financial system is considerably less broad and complex than that in the US; it's not a world financial center.  And in 1992, everyon's financial system was a whole lot less complicated than they are now.  The FDIC was an excellent solution for commercial banking (and yes, to all those wondering what happened to the "real libertarian" Megan, I've been saying this for years.)  But its model is not applicable to a world of credit derivatives and broken broker-dealers.

Possibly the biggest problem with this plan, among many, is that Sweden is essentially able to command the labor of its bankers; they have relatively few alternatives without starting over in a new country and a new language.  American government has no such leverage.  Yes, the folks in the mortgage departments royally screwed the pooch, but running a major bank is not something you can hand over to a GS-17.  Nor is it a job for academic economists. 

And, of course, the political ramifications in the United States are very disturbing.  A small homogenous country with a parliamentary system and a lot of social capital invested in the government is going to do better at nationalizations than we will.  The fractious structure of the American legislative system means--as we've just seen--that huge amounts of political maneuvering and log-rolling will go into the running of any national banking system.  Imagine the banking system run by the Department of the Interior.

One readers asks if I'm not, by endorsing the modified Paulson plan, endorsing the failed Japanese model over the Swedish system.  Rather the reverse.  The problem with the Japanese system (or at least, one major problem) is that for political, social, and career reasons, banks kept pouring money into zombie firms, trying to salvage the bad loans of a decade ago.  Is a nationalized banking system less or more likely to do this than a private one, in America?  I imagine any banking head, appointed or career civil service, would get a lot of calls from Senators and congressmen demanding that the bank prevent companies in their districts from going under.


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