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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. More

Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero … all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Saving Social Security

By Megan McArdle
Nov 7 2007, 8:49 AM ET Comment

This article by Paul Starr makes the central error that comes over and over again in liberal analyses of Social Security*: it acts as if the general budget problem arrives at the same time as social security's budget problem.

This is wrong. The budget problem isn't in 2041; the budget problem is now. Sometime after next year, the Social Security surplus will shrink, starting to put pressure on the budget. Democrats trying to implement spending plans will start to find their tax increases eaten, not by national health care, but by seniors. By 2011, the problem will be large. By 2017, money will be flowing from the general fund to social security. By 2025, the hole will be about as big as it's going to get. Around about 2015, social progressive plans will be DOA. Republican tax schemes will be DOA. The only thing we will talk about for the following 15 years is where to find the money to pay for Social Security and Medicare.

Nor can we save money on Medicare as national healthcare advocates have suggested; aside from fairly trivial savings on pharmaceuticals which are likely to cost money in the long run by stifling innovation (drugs save money by replacing expensive procedures), Medicare already has all the advantages we've been promised in a national system. Its costs are still skyrocketing.

The problem that Starr identifies is real, however: raising the payroll tax cap is an enormous tax increase on high earners. You can have that, or you can repeal the Bush tax cuts; if you do both, you're talking about a marginal tax increase of more than 20 percentage points. I know I keep pounding the point that at American levels of taxation, the Laffer curve promise of higher revenue on lower rates doesn't apply. Well, at 55%, it's plausible to believe that it *does* apply. There is a limit to how much you can raise taxes on the rich.

But where he's wrong is to think that Democrats have some choice in the matter. They don't. They, like their political opponents, are going to see most of their dreams crash on the shoals of the Baby Boomer retirement.


* The mirror-image conservative error is thinking it matters whether the Social Security Administration is technically solvent

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